Monday, 2 October 2023

Nature and Scope of Prohibition of Use of Force under International Humanitarian Law

By Bakampa Brian Baryaguma

[Dip. Law (First Class)–LDC; Cert. Oil & Gas–Mak; LLB (Hons)–Mak]

bakampasenior@gmail.com; www.huntedthinker.blogspot.ug

August, 2022

1.                  Introduction

Using force is frowned upon and generally prohibited in the community of nations. It is outlawed under Article 2 (4) of the 1945 Charter of the United Nations (hereinafter ‘the Charter’) in the following terms: ‘All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations.’ International law however, recognizes certain exceptions to this general rule. The most prominent exception is the right to self-defence that is enshrined in Article 51 of the Charter. The article states that, ‘Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken the measures necessary to maintain international peace and security.’ Other situations such as the need for humanitarian intervention where there is no effective government and civil order has consequently collapsed, or if there is deliberate and systematic violations of human rights, including forced expulsions, ethnic cleansing and in the most extreme cases genocide, can justify an international armed attack. But it should be noted that armed attacks are not just inter-state (i.e. between states): they can also be intra-state (i.e. within a state). Whatever the case may be, it is an armed attack; and when it ensues, then an armed conflict gets underway, which triggers the application of international humanitarian law (hereinafter ‘IHL’).

IHL is also known as the law of armed conflict since it acts as the law in war and only applies during armed conflicts.[1] It is the branch of international law that governs the conduct of war.[2] IHL limits the choice of means and methods of conducting military operations and obliges belligerents to spare persons who do not, or who no longer, participate in hostilities.[3] It restricts violence to the amount necessary to achieve the aim of the conflict, which – independently of the causes fought for – can only be to weaken the military potential of the enemy. These guidelines and limitations emerged after, ‘Politicians and soldiers … recognized that they can achieve many of their objectives if they fight within agreed standards of conduct.’[4]

IHL addresses the conduct of parties to armed conflicts, dealing with such issues as the conduct of hostilities, combatant and prisoner of war status and the protection of the Red Cross and Red Crescent emblems.[5] To achieve these objectives, IHL encompasses all forms of armed conflicts and actors involved in them, applying to both international armed conflicts and non-international armed conflicts (like civil wars, coups, revolutions and other related instabilities). It also applies to state (government) actors, non-state actors (like armed rebel groups) and individuals.[6]

The main treaty sources applicable in international armed conflict are the four Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949[7] and their Additional Protocol I of 1977,[8] while the main treaty sources applicable in non-international armed conflict are article 3 common to the Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol II of 1977,[9] by virtue of which IHL also binds non-state armed groups during armed conflicts. In the Case Concerning Military and Paramilitary Activities in and Against Nicaragua (Nicaragua v. United States of America)[10] (hereinafter ‘Nicaragua v. United States case’), the International Court of Justice (hereinafter ‘the ICJ’ or ‘the Court’) held that the Conventions merely give specific expression to the general principles of humanitarian law and as such therefore states parties to them are under an obligation to "respect" and even "ensure respect" for them.[11] Then, in the Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Uganda) case (hereinafter ‘the DRC v. Uganda – 2005 case’), the ICJ held that according to a well-established rule of a customary nature, as reflected in Article 3 of the Fourth Hague Convention respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land of 1907 as well as in Article 91 of Protocol I additional to the Geneva Conventions of 1949, a party to an armed conflict shall be responsible for all acts by persons forming part of its armed forces.[12]

2.                  Nature and Scope of IHL Prohibitions

IHL is underlined by prohibitions of excessive conduct in armed conflicts. At the core of it lies the aspiration to ensure that humanity and civility prevail even in incredibly difficult times and circumstance of armed conflict. Humanity and civility should not be sacrificed at the altar of and quest for politico-military prowess. In order to achieve this objective, a set of international rules, established by treaty or custom, specifically intended to solve humanitarian problems directly arising from armed conflicts, have been developed and designed to limit the use of violence during those conflicts. Limitation in this case is framed in terms of prohibitions, which constitute the basic principles of IHL. They are the following–

1.                  The Distinction between Civilians and Combatants

This principle demands that the two should always be separated by reserving violence for combatants, while sparing civilians from it.[13] It is therefore prohibited to attack civilians for reasons that they are unarmed and thus unable to defend themselves. This prohibition imparts a duty on any force under whose ambit and authority civilians find themselves: be it the state whose citizens they are, armed groups hostile to that state, or even a foreign occupier. Hence, in the DRC v. Uganda – 2005 case, the ICJ, having concluded that Uganda was the occupying Power in Ituri at the relevant time, stated that, as such, it was under an obligation, according to Article 43 of the Hague Regulations, to take all measures in its power to restore, and ensure, as far as possible, public order and safety in the occupied area, while respecting, unless absolutely prevented, the laws in force in the DRC; and that this obligation comprised the duty to secure respect for the applicable rules of international human rights law and international humanitarian law, to protect the inhabitants of the occupied territory against acts of violence and not to tolerate such violence by any third party.[14]

2.                  The Prohibition to Attack those Hors de Combat

This means those people that are out of action due to injury or damage. The principle requires that those who no longer pose serious threats should not be killed, injured or damaged further. A combatant is hors de combat if he or she is in the power of an adverse party; he clearly expresses an intention to surrender; or he has been rendered unconscious or is otherwise incapacitated by wounds or sickness and is therefore incapable of defending himself: provided that in any of these cases he abstains from any hostile act and does not attempt to escape, he may not be made the object of attack.[15] Nothing allows the summary execution and murder of any person hors de combat unless a fair trial has taken place implicating that person in a criminal offence.[16]

3.                  The Prohibition to Inflict Unnecessary Suffering

This prohibition promotes a humane approach to war, by forbidding anything which causes excessive – and therefore unnecessary – suffering to others in the conflict. The purpose of prohibiting unnecessary suffering is to, ‘… to protect life and health and to ensure respect for the human being …’.[17]

4.                  The Principle of Necessity

This principle demands that any force used must be necessary in the circumstances. In the DRC v. Uganda – 2005 case, the ICJ adjudged that unlawful military intervention that violates the sovereignty and territorial integrity of another state to be a grave violation of the prohibition on the use of force expressed in Article 2 (4) of the UN Charter.[18]

5.                  The Principle of Proportionality.

This principle requires that the force used should be commensurate to the threat confronted with. Use of excessive force is prohibited. What is commensurate and therefore proportional is determined from self-defence interests of the concerned party, in response or reaction to threats posed by the adversary. In the Nicaragua v. United States case, the ICJ recognized self-defence as a right existing in customary international law, ‘… warrant[ing] only measures which are proportional to the armed attack and necessary to respond to it …’.[19] This decision was followed in the DRC v. Uganda – 2005 case where it was held that international law accepts self-defence as a concept.[20] The ICJ, in the Nicaragua v. United States case, qualified this right stating that, ‘In the case of individual self-defence, the exercise of this right is subject to the State concerned having been the victim of an armed attack.’[21]

3.                  Conclusion

Michael Wood submits that whether, ‘… a State resorts to armed force is ultimately a policy question rather than one of law.’[22] Be that as it may, what is indisputable is that the moment a state chooses to resort to armed force, developments thereafter are a question of law, because henceforth IHL sets in to regulate the conduct of the war – by whatever name called – and of the warring parties, by stipulating certain prohibitions, underpinned by the understanding that the execution of armed conflict should not be a do or die matter: a situation where anything and everything goes.

 

References

1.                  Fiona Ang, A Commentary on the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, Article 38: Children in Armed Conflicts (2005), at 1511. Accessed online at https://books.google.co.ug/books/about/A_Commentary_on_the_United_Nations_Conve.html?id=TcAqEAAAQBAJ&source=kp_book_description&redir_esc=y, on 31 July 2022, at 20:40 hrs.

2.                  Carolyn Hamilton and Tabatha Abu El-Haj, ‘Armed Conflict: the Protection of Children Under International Law,’ 5 IJCR (1997), at 3.

3.                  Grac’a Machel, Impact of Armed Conflict on Children (1996), at 49.

4.                  Ibid., at 48.

5.                  International Committee of the Red Cross, ‘International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law: Similarities and Differences’ (2003), at 1.

6.                  Ibid., at 1-2.

7.                  The conventions are:

(i)                 Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armed Forces in the Field of 12 August 1949 (Geneva Convention I);

(ii)               Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of Wounded, Sick and Shipwrecked Members of Armed Forces at Sea of 12 August 1949 (Geneva Convention II);

(iii)             Geneva Convention Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War of August 12, 1949 (Geneva Convention III); and

(iv)             Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949 (Geneva Convention IV).

8.                  Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts (Protocol I), 8 June 1977.

9.                  Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the Protection of Victims of Non-International Armed Conflicts (Protocol II), 8 June 1977.

10.              International Court of Justice, Case Concerning Military and Paramilitary Activities in and Against Nicaragua (Nicaragua v. United States of America), 1986.

11.              Ibid., at 104.

12.              International Court of Justice, Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Uganda) – see summary of the Court’s judgment of 19 December 2005, at 10.

The brief background of this case is that on 23 June 1999, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) filed an Application in the ICJ instituting proceedings against the Republic of Uganda in respect of a dispute concerning “acts of armed aggression perpetrated by Uganda on the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter and of the Charter of the Organization of African Unity”. Among others, DRC accused Uganda of violating its obligations under international humanitarian law. On 19 December 2005, the Court delivered its judgment finding that by engaging in military activities against the DRC, Uganda violated the principle of non-use of force in international relations and the principle of non-intervention; further that by the conduct of its armed forces, which committed acts of killing, torture and other forms of inhumane treatment of the Congolese civilian population, destroyed villages and civilian buildings, failed to distinguish between civilian and military targets and to protect the civilian population in fighting with other combatants, trained child soldiers, incited ethnic conflict and failed to take measures to put an end to such conflict, Uganda violated its obligations under international human rights law and international humanitarian law; and held that therefore, Uganda is under obligation to make reparation to DRC for the injury caused. On 9 February 2022, the Court fixed compensation due to DRC from Uganda to the tune of US$225,000,000 for damage to persons, US$40,000,000 for damage to property and US$60,000,000 for damage related to natural resources. The Court decided that the total amount due shall be paid in five annual instalments of US$65,000,000 starting on 1 September 2022.

13.              The European Court of Human Rights, in its 24 July 2008 judgment in the case of Kononov v. Latvia, (Application no. 36376/04) 2008 defined a civilian as, ‘… any person not belonging to one of the predefined categories of combatants or in respect of whom there is a doubt on that point …’.

14.              International Court of Justice, DRC v. Uganda – 2005 case supra note 12, at 9.

15.              International Committee of the Red Cross, ‘Hors de combat’ (2022).

16.              European Court of Human Rights, Case of Kononov v. Latvia (Application no. 36376/04) (2010), at 52.

17.              International Court of Justice, Nicaragua v. United States case supra, note 10, at 115.

18.              International Court of Justice, DRC v. Uganda – 2005 case supra note 12, at 9.

19.              International Court of Justice, Nicaragua v. United States case supra note 10, at 84.

20.              International Court of Justice, DRC v. Uganda – 2005 case supra note 12, at 8.

21.              International Court of Justice, Nicaragua v. United States case supra note 10, at 84.

22.              Michael Wood, ‘International Law and the Use of Force: What Happens in Practice?’ 53 Indian Journal of International Law (2013), at 349.

The Legality of the 2022 Russian Invasion of Ukraine in the Law of Armed Conflicts

By Bakampa Brian Baryaguma

[Dip. Law (First Class)–LDC; Cert. Oil & Gas–Mak; LLB (Hons)–Mak]

bakampasenior@gmail.com; www.huntedthinker.blogspot.ug

August, 2022

1.                  Introduction

On Thursday, 24th February, 2022, the Russian Federation (hereinafter ‘Russia’) invaded Ukraine.[1] Russian president, Mr. Vladimir Putin, declared that he had decided to conduct a ‘special military operation’ against Ukraine, claiming that there was genocide being committed against ethnic Russians in the Luhansk and Donetsk oblasts of Ukraine. Since then, there has been intense fighting in Ukraine, in which thousands of people have died, towns and cities such as Mariupol lie in ruins and 13 million people have been displaced.[2]

On 26 February 2022, Ukraine filed in the registry of the International Court of Justice (hereinafter ‘the I.C.J.’) an application instituting proceedings against the Russian Federation concerning a dispute relating to the interpretation, application and fulfilment of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (hereinafter the Genocide Convention).[3] In its application, Ukraine requested the ICJ to indicate provisional measures including Russia immediately suspending the military operations commenced on 24 February 2022 that have as their stated purpose and objective the prevention and punishment of a claimed genocide in the Luhansk and Donetsk oblasts of Ukraine.[4]

In its ruling of 16 March 2022, the Court, by a majority decision of 13 votes to two,  indicated provisional measures ordering Russia to, among others, ‘… immediately suspend the military operations that it commenced on 24 February 2022 in the territory of Ukraine.’ Russia ignored this ruling and proceeded with its invasion.

2.                  Governing Law

What Russia calls a special military operation is in fact a war. It is an armed conflict in international law jargon. Armed conflicts are governed by international humanitarian law (hereinafter ‘IHL’), which is also known as the law of armed conflict since it acts as the law in war and only applies during armed conflicts.[5] It is the branch of international law that governs the conduct of war.[6] IHL limits the use of violence in armed conflicts by sparing those who do not or no longer directly participate in hostilities;[7] and restricting violence to the amount necessary to achieve the aim of the conflict, which – independently of the causes fought for – can only be to weaken the military potential of the enemy. These guidelines and limitations rose out of the recognition by politicians and soldiers, ‘… that they can achieve many of their objectives if they fight within agreed standards of conduct.’[8]

3.                  Circumstances of the Invasion

The invasion marked a major escalation of the Russo-Ukrainian War that began in 2014, when Russia invaded and annexed Crimea and Russian-backed separatists seized part of the Donbas region of south-eastern Ukraine, consisting of Luhansk and Donetsk oblasts, sparking a regional war.[9] In a televised address shortly before the 2022 invasion, Russian president, Vladimir Putin, espoused irredentist views, challenged Ukraine's right to statehood and falsely claimed Ukraine was governed by neo-Nazis who persecuted the ethnic Russian minority.[10] Before the invasion, President Vladimir Putin, accused N.A.T.O. of threatening Russia’s historic future as a nation, claiming that N.A.T.O. is using Ukraine to wage a proxy war against Russia that is designed to split Russian society and ultimately destroy it.[11] He therefore demanded that N.A.T.O. turn the clock back to 1997 and reverse its eastward expansion, removing its forces and military infrastructure from member states that joined the alliance from 1997 and not deploy ‘strike weapons near Russia's borders’.[12] On 21 February 2022, Russia recognized the Donetsk People's Republic and the Luhansk People's Republic, two self-proclaimed breakaway quasi-states in Donbas region. The next day, Russia’s Federation Council authorized the use of military force and troops promptly advanced there.[13]

4.                  Rationale for the Invasion

In the months preceding the invasion, Russian officials accused Ukraine of Russophobia, inciting tensions and repressing Russian speakers in Ukraine. They also made multiple security demands of Ukraine, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (N.A.T.O.) and non-N.A.T.O. allies in the European Union (E.U.), including assurances that Ukraine will never join N.A.T.O. Commentators and Western officials described these as attempts to justify war. ‘Russophobia is a first step towards genocide’, President Putin said on 9 December 2021,[14] arguing that modern, Western-leaning Ukraine was a constant threat and Russia could not feel "safe, develop and exist".[15] His claims about "de-Nazification" have been described as absurd and Russian claims of genocide were widely rejected as baseless.[16]

5.                  Purpose of the Invasion

When President Vladimir Putin announced the invasion (codenamed ‘special military operation’) on the morning of Thursday, 24th February, 2022, he stated its purposes as being to demilitarise and de-Nazify Ukraine, with the aim of protect people subjected to what he called eight years of bullying and genocide by Ukraine's government.[17] Soon after, another objective was added: ensuring Ukraine's neutral status.[18] Other government officials spoke of freeing Ukraine from oppression and securing Russia's future place in the world.[19]

6.                  Effect of the Invasion

The invasion has had serious consequences for the warring parties and the world as a whole. It caused Europe's largest refugee and humanitarian crisis since World War II.[20] Many people have died on both sides. It pushed agricultural fertilizer prices higher and also caused global food shortages, thereby contributing to increasing food prices globally.[21] Economic sanctions that were imposed on Russia affected it with its stock market falling, the Russian ruble fell to record lows and Russians rushed to exchange currency. Stock exchanges in Moscow and Saint Petersburg closed until at least 18 March 2022, the longest closure in Russia's history.[22] Dozens of corporations ceased trading in Russia. Russia cut off the gas supplies of Poland and Bulgaria in retaliation for the West's support for Ukraine.[23] Consequently, the managing director of the International Monetary Fund warned that the conflict poses a substantial economic risk both regionally and internationally, while the president of the World Bank Group warned of far-reaching economic and social effects.[24]

7.                  Global Response to the Invasion

The invasion has received widespread international condemnation. The United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution condemning the invasion and demanding a full withdrawal of Russian forces. The I.C.J. ordered Russia to suspend military operations[25] and the Council of Europe expelled Russia. Many countries imposed sanctions on Russia, which have affected the economies of Russia and the world and provided humanitarian and military aid to Ukraine. Protests occurred around the world; those in Russia were met with mass arrests and increased media censorship, including a ban on the words ‘war’ and ‘invasion’. The International Criminal Court has opened an investigation into crimes against humanity in Ukraine since 2013, as well as war crimes in the 2022 invasion.[26] N.A.T.O. and the E.U. have taken a strict policy of no boots on the ground in support against the invasion. Consequently, N.A.T.O. as an organization has not supplied weapons to Ukraine and has not sent troops there. But N.A.T.O. member states have given financial and weapons aid to Ukraine,[27] although they have refused to send troops into Ukraine and objected to establishing a no fly-zone, lest this spark a larger-scale war – a decision some labeled appeasement.

8.                  Legality of the Invasion

Legality in law is a subjective phenomenon because it is dependent on the causes and reasons motivating the matter at hand. The legality of a thing depends upon its lawfulness, as measured against legal requirements and standards. Russia invaded Ukraine saying that there was Russophobia, genocide and Nazism taking place in Ukraine. The legality or lawfulness of the invasion can be determined using a three-factor test: first, the authenticity of the claims; second, violation of international law, particularly the Genocide Convention; and third, failed attempts to resolve the dispute amicably and peacefully.

On authenticity, Russia would have to adduce impeccable evidence of deliberate and concerted actions indicative of Russophobia, neo-Nazism and repression of Russian speakers. This evidence can be in form of statements or documents uttered, with special attention paid to the author, intended or actual addressee and their content. But considering that Ukraine is a democratic country that holds regular, free and fair elections, whose most recent results produced a president (Volodymyr Zelenskyy) of Jewish origin with no ties to any neo-Nazi movement,[28] these claims are hard to believe. On violation of international law, Russia would have to prove that the acts complained of are legally prohibited. For example, it should be shown that the acts constituting genocide fall within and are illegal under the provisions of the Genocide Convention, thus necessitating intervention to prevent and/or punish them. On failed amicable dispute resolution, Russia would have to prove that all appropriate mechanisms and measures available in law and diplomacy were invoked in futility.

9.                  Conclusion

The Russian invasion of Ukraine is regrettable for the lives lost and properties destroyed. For war to be justified, Russia would have to satisfy the three-factor test above. If Russia honestly felt that there is Russophobia, inciting tensions and repression of Russian speakers in Ukraine, to the extent of committing genocide against indigenous Russian speakers, contrary to the 1948 Genocide Convention, it (Russia) should have first exhausted all peaceful remedial dispute resolution avenues to stop the killings and militant activities, if any.

States should utilize remedial mechanisms like the I.C.J., before resorting to armed confrontations in a bid to resolve their disputes. Since Russia ignored these, it only lends credence to suspicions that President Vladimir Putin is simply on a disguised mission of empire building,[29] hoping to restore Russia’s lost glory of the defunct Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the fall of which he saw as the ‘disintegration of historical Russia’.[30]

 

 References

1.                  Wikipedia, ‘2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine’ (2022). Accessed online at https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2022_Russian_invasion_of_Ukraine, on Friday, 19th August, 2022, at 20:30 hrs.

2.                  Paul Kirby, ‘Why has Russia invaded Ukraine and what does Putin want?’ BBC News (2022). Accessed online at https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-56720589, on Friday, 19th August, 2022, at 20:25 hrs.

3.                  International Court of Justice, Allegations of Genocide under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Ukraine v. Russian Federation).

4.                  Ibid., at 3.

5.                  Fiona Ang, A Commentary on the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, Article 38: Children in Armed Conflicts (2005), at 1511. Accessed online at https://books.google.co.ug/books/about/A_Commentary_on_the_United_Nations_Conve.html?id=TcAqEAAAQBAJ&source=kp_book_description&redir_esc=y, on 31 July 2022, at 20:40 hrs.

6.                  Carolyn Hamilton and Tabatha Abu El-Haj, ‘Armed Conflict: the Protection of Children Under International Law,’ 5 IJCR (1997), at 3.

7.                  Grac’a Machel, Impact of Armed Conflict on Children (1996), at 49.

8.                  Ibid., at 48.

9.                  Wikipedia, supra note 1.

10.              Ibid.

11.              Paul Kirby, supra note 2.

12.              Ibid.

13.              Wikipedia, supra note 1.

14.              Ibid.

15.              Paul Kirby, supra note 2.

16.              Ibid.

17.              Ibid.

18.              Ibid.

19.              Ibid.

20.              Wikipedia, supra note 1.

21.              Ibid.

22.              Ibid.

23.              Paul Kirby, supra note 2.

24.              Wikipedia, supra note 1.

25.              International Court of Justice, supra note 2.

26.              Wikipedia, supra note 1.

27.              On 5 May 2022, Ukraine's Prime Minister announced that his country had received more than $12 billion worth of weapons and financial aid from Western countries since the start of Russia's invasion on 24 February. As a result, on 20 July 2022, Russian foreign minister announced that Russia would respond to the increased military aid as justifying the expansion of the “special operations” front to include military objectives in both the Zaporizhzhia Oblast and Kherson Oblast beyond the original objectives of the oblasts of the Donbas region.

28.              John Kunza, ‘Who is Volodymyr Zelensky, the Jewish president of Ukraine?’ (2022). Accessed online at https://jewishunpacked.com/who-is-volodymyr-zelensky-the-jewish-president-of-ukraine/, on Wednesday, 24th August, 2022, at 21:12 hrs.

29.              Paul Kirby, supra note 2.

30.              Ibid.

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